As we approach Memorial Day, I think you will find that the video that follows is a fitting tribute to our young men who gave up their lives in service to their country.
As we approach Memorial Day, I think you will find that the video that follows is a fitting tribute to our young men who gave up their lives in service to their country.
It was 1966 in Chu Lai. Assigned to the 7th Motor Transport Battalion, we’d just come in from a four-day run. It was quiet and we were taking turns cleaning our weapons. One of the guys suddenly stopped what he was doing, sitting there with a dumb-ass look on his face. He said, “Hey, Christmas was two days ago.”
We all stopped what we were doing, and I remember that we all just looked at him for a long moment; nobody said a word.
And then we went back to cleaning our weapons.
Corporal, U. S. Marine Corps
Except among those whose interests lie in lost civilizations, the high number of natives destroyed by European diseases has made Hispaniola’s early history mostly irrelevant —and owing to the savagery demonstrated by both native populations and Spanish settlers, none of the earliest Spanish colonies on Hispaniola fared well, either.
Christopher Columbus arrived at Hispaniola in 1492. He established a small settlement he named La Navidad near Cap-Haïtien; within its first year, all 39-settlers were set upon and murdered. A similar fate was shared by several more Spanish settlements between 1493 and 1592 —if they were not completely destroyed by native populations, then they were set aflame by either French pirates or squadrons of British Royal Navy.
At this same time, the Spanish Netherlands was in disarray; a rebellion had been ongoing for some twenty years. The conflict was due in large part to the religious differences between Spanish masters and Dutch subjects. By 1590, the Spanish had become thoroughly disgusted with the Dutch and ordered all Spanish home ports closed to Dutch shipping. The Dutch responded by tapping into the trade network of colonies in Spanish America, people who were more than happy to establish illicit trade relations with Spain’s competitors. Consequently, large numbers of Dutch traders joined with English and French privateers to deprive Spain of its customs duties —many of these trading depots were located on the island of Hispaniola.
In 1605, infuriated that Spanish settlements on the northern and western coasts of Hispaniola persisted in carrying out large scale (and illegal) trade with its enemies, Spain decided to resettle its populaces closer to Santo Domingo. Known as the Devastaciones de Osorio, the forced resettlement led to death by starvation of half of Spanish colonial populations. More than one-hundred thousand cattle were abandoned; slaves escaped into the wilderness, and Spanish troops destroyed five out of thirteen colonies. This Spanish behavior was counter-productive because escaped settlers, slaves, and English, Dutch, and French privateers were then free to establish bases on what would become Haiti and the Dominican Republic.
Within a short time, French, Dutch, and English buccaneers formed a lawless community on the island of Tortuga; Spanish shipping and colonies became their principal targets of opportunity. The Spanish, of course, sought to defend their interests through a series of sorties in 1629, 1635, 1638, and 1654 by destroying pirate enclaves, but on each occasion the scoundrels soon returned. In 1655, the English at Jamaica sponsored the reoccupation of Tortuga under an English governor named Elias Watts. Five years later, the English proposed a replacement for Watts in the person of Frenchman Jeremie Deschamps. This was not one of England’s more brilliant moves since Deschamps soon declared his loyalty to France … and the French took charge of the island, renaming it Saint Domingue. The French maintained this control until 1790, when civil unrest in France and a slave revolt in Haiti eventually resulted in Haitian independence.
Haiti is the world’s oldest surviving black republic, but even though prominent Haitians actively assisted Latin American independence movements, the so-called great liberator, Simon Bolivar, worked to exclude Haiti from the hemisphere’s first regional meeting of independent nations (1826). Neither did Haiti receive diplomatic recognition from the United States until 1862, thanks in large part to Massachusetts Senator Charles Sumner. Yet, it is fair to say that Haiti has struggled to find itself since 1806 and certainly, by 1911, Haiti was a failed state —as many African and hyphenated African nations are today, as well.
In any case, by 1915, Haitian instability was colossal: a series of political assassinations and forced exiles resulted in six separate presidential administrations (a record only rivaled by France’s 21 governments of the Fourth Republic following World War II). Several Haitian “revolutionary armies” operated independent from one another, and each was formed by cacos directing affairs from mountain enclaves in the north or along the border with Dominica.
In 1915, World War I had been raging for a year; the United States became apprehensive about the roles played by Imperial Germany in the Western Hemisphere. Now in control of Tortuga, Germany had intervened in Haiti and other Caribbean nations several times during previous decades, seeking to increase its influence as a rival power in the Americas.
All was not well between Germany and the United States. In several instances, Germany demonstrated its increasing hostility to the United States by establishing robust intelligence networks on Hispaniola and throughout Latin America. Essentially, Germany dismissed the Monroe Doctrine out of hand. Another consideration was that, in the months leading into world war, the ports, port facilities, material wealth, and manpower of Hispaniola assumed a strategic importance to both Germany and the United States. Added to this, the United States was cognizant of the rivalry in Haiti between American businessmen and their German counterparts. Although the German community was relatively small, it wielded a significant economic influence over the Haitian government: German citizens wielded control over 80% of the Haiti’s international commerce, owned and operated port facilities at Cap-Haïten, Port-au-Prince, the tramway into the capital, and a major railway line.
When American financiers complained to the President of the United States in 1915 that Haiti (by then deeply in debt to US banks) had steadfastly refused to repay a sizeable American loan, Woodrow Wilson (shown left) ordered a military expedition to Haiti. From the American perspective, Wilson’s momentous decision was thoroughly justified.
US political interests in Haiti extended back in time over many decades —its political and economic stability long a concern to our diplomats. These concerns increased over time because as Haiti borrowed money from foreign governments, it found itself unable to repay these loans. Consequently, there was an increased likelihood that a foreign power might seize Haiti for its own purposes. See also: How Haiti became indebted.
In 1868, President Andrew Johnson went so far to suggest annexation of Hispaniola to secure an American claim to the West Indies. In 1889, Secretary of State James Blaine attempted to lease the city of Mole-Saint-Nicholas so that the US could construct a naval base along the northern coast. Then, in 1910, President Taft granted Haiti a large loan with the expectation that Haiti could pay off its international debt, thus lessening the possibility of foreign influence.
Jean Vilbrun Guillaume Sam (1859 – 1915) served as President of Haiti from 4 March – 27 July 1915. He was a cousin of Tirésias Simon Sam, Haiti’s president from 1896 to 1902. Sam was the commander of Haiti’s Northern Division when he led the revolt that brought President Cincinnatus Leconte to power. He later headed the revolt that toppled President Oreste Zamor. When Cacos realized that President Joseph Davilmar Théodore was unable to pay them for their service, they forced his resignation —Sam was proclaimed president in his place.
As the fifth president in five turbulent years, Sam was forced to contend with a revolt against his own regime, led by Dr. Rosalvo Bobo, who opposed the government’s expanded commercial and strategic ties with the United States. Fearing that he would share the same fate as his predecessors, Sam acted harshly against his political opponents, particularly the better educated and wealthier mulatto population. The culmination of his repressive measures came on 27 July 1915, when he ordered the execution of 167 political prisoners, including former president Zamor, who was being held in a Port-au-Prince jail. An infuriated the population rose up against Sam.
Fearing for his own safety, Sam fled to the French embassy where he received asylum. The rebels’ mulatto leaders broke into the embassy, however, found Sam, and dragged him out into the courtyard where they beat him senseless. They then threw his unconscious body over the embassy’s iron fence to the waiting populace, who proceeded to rip his body to pieces. For the next two weeks, Haiti was in chaos.
News of Sam’s murder soon reached US Navy ships anchored in the city’s harbor; President Woodrow Wilson, wary about the possibility that Bobo would seize power, ordered Marines to take the capital, claiming that the unrest might precipitate a German invasion of the country. Two companies of Marines landed the next day under the command of Captain Smedley D. Butler.
Soon after the Marines landed in Haiti, they removed $500,000 from the Haiti National Bank for safekeeping in New York, thus giving the United States control of Haitian finances. This Marine presence averted long-term anarchy after Sam’s assassination, and prevented a possible German invasion. (Shown right, a trussed Caco, having been accused of murdering a US Marine).
The Marine expedition resulted in the Haitian-American Treaty of 1915 —and an agreement that, among other things, created the Haitian Gendarmerie. The Gendarmerie was a military force composed of Haitian citizens, supervised and controlled by U. S. Marines. Additionally, the United States gained complete control over Haitian finances, and the right to intervene in Haiti whenever the U.S. Government decided that was necessary or prudent to do so. A general election was also held, resulting in the election of Philippe Sudré Dartiguenave—a pro-US politician who, unfortunately, was not the choice of the Haitian population.
President Wilson attempted to convince the Haitian legislature that it was time for a new constitution. In 1917, a US proposal would have permitted foreign ownership of land, but Haitian lawmakers balked and refused to ratify the document. When, instead, the lawmakers began to draft an anti-American constitution, President Dartiguenave dissolved the legislature; it did not reconvene until 1929.
Some of the Gendarmerie’s more unpopular policies —including racial segregation, press censorship, and forced labor— led to a peasant rebellion from 1919 to 1920. The U.S. Senate sent an investigative committee into Haiti in 1921 to examine claims of abuse, and subsequently the U.S. Senate reorganized and centralized power in Haiti. After this reorganization, Haiti remained fairly stable and a select group achieved economic prosperity, though most Haitians remained in poverty.
In 1929, a series of strikes and uprisings led the United States to begin its withdrawal from Haiti. In 1930, U.S. officials began training Haitian officials to take control of the government. In 1934, the United States, in concert with President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Good Neighbor Policy, officially withdrew from Haiti while retaining economic connections.
 Contact between Europeans and Native American populations led to an unprecedented demographic disaster. Many epidemic diseases well established in the Old World were absent from the Americas before Christopher Columbus’ arrival in 1492. The catastrophic epidemics that accompanied European conquests destroyed indigenous populations in the Americas. Diseases included influenza, smallpox, measles, and typhus fever. Native Americans were unable to escape diseases, the effects of new seeds, weeds, and draft animals; the effect of these were irreversible. Within only a few years, the plight of Native Americans led Spanish settlers to the importation of African slaves, which were enthusiastically sold by African Islamists. In this way, the Americas rapidly became a center for the mixing of races and infectious agents.
 A word used by Marines, meaning peasant bandit. Although of Spanish usage, the origin of the term is Greek “Kakos” meaning “bad,” or “low quality,” or “low life.” It is similar in usage to the British “townie” or in the Americas, “wigger,” or white nigger.
 On 21 September 1897, Haitian police were seeking a suspect in a theft case—a man by the name of Dorléus Présumé. Présumé was discovered washing a coach near the central stables of Port-au-Prince, whose proprietor was Emile Lüders. Présumé resisted arrest, and Lüders came to his defense. On that same day, a police tribunal sentenced both men to one-month’s confinement. The accused appealed to a higher authority, but this time they were charged with resisting arrest —their sentence was increased to one-year in prison. On 17 October, the German Chargé d’affaires demanded the immediate release of Lüders, whose father was a German citizen, along with the dismissal of the judge and all police officers involved in the matter. Lüders was released from prison a few days later and promptly left the country. Then, on 6 December, two German warships anchored at Port-au-Prince harbor and issued an ultimatum: the Haitians were to pay $20,000.00 paid to Lüders, Haiti’s permission for Lüders to return to Haiti, a letter of apology to the German government, a 21-gun salute rendered to the German flag, and a demand that the President of Haiti raise a white flag on the presidential palace as a token of his surrender.
 In 1917, Germany proposed an alliance with Mexico against the United States.
 After the revolution, France retained strong economic and diplomatic ties with the Haitian Government. France agreed to recognize Haitian independence in the Franco-Haitian Agreement of 1824, and in exchange, Haiti agreed to pay France a huge indemnity. The payment of this obligation kept Haiti in a constant state of debt, giving France a unique influence over Haitian trade and finances.
 That attempt failed due to the enormity of the debt and the internal instability of the country.
 Only one Haitian soldier resisted the Marines; when he did, Mr. Pierre Sully was promptly dispatched.
 This may have been important psychologically, but the truth is that the Haitian people had demonstrated their electoral incompetence for more than 100 years.
John F. Kennedy once reminded us, “A nation reveals itself not only by the men it produces, but also by the men it honors, the men it remembers.”
America has revealed itself.
We used to recall 7 December as Pearl Harbor Day, but this, along with so many other memorials to past conflicts, has ceased to be a day of national remembrance.
I personally believe that President Franklin D. Roosevelt wanted the Japanese to attack the United States; it was the only way he could convince the American people to support US involvement in another world war. Roosevelt miscalculated, however. He expected the Japanese to direct their efforts toward the Philippine Islands; instead, they broke down our door in the Hawaiian Islands —and this was a complete surprise to the Roosevelt Administration.
Approaching the Hawaiian Islands from the northwest, six Japanese aircraft carriers launched torpedo bombers, dive bombers, and fighters toward military targets early in the morning of 7 December 1941. Their goal was to destroy the US Navy Fleet at Pearl Harbor —but the engagement also necessitated pre-emptive attacks upon all military air bases as well. The attack came shortly before 0800; more than 90 US ships were anchored in the harbor, but what the Japanese wanted most were the eight battleships and aircraft carriers.
The Japanese attack was relentless for two full hours. Japanese air forces involved 321 attack aircraft; 39 fighters were employed as protective air cover. The costs to the Pacific Fleet were enormous: 21 ships were sunk or damaged, 347 aircraft were destroyed or damaged, two-thousand servicemen were killed, another one-thousand military and civilian personnel seriously wounded. When it was all over, Roosevelt had the excuse he needed to enter into World War II.
In spite of the resulting damage at Pearl Harbor and at other locations in Hawaii, the courage and tenacity of our troops while attempting to defend themselves through several waves of air attack was of the highest order.
The initial attack was directed at six bases around the island of Oahu. Navy patrol bombers were caught in the water at Kaneohe Naval Air Station. At the Army’s airbases at Wheeler and Hickam Air Fields, the Marine airfield at Ewa, and the Navy’s Ford Island Air Station, rows of closely parked aircraft, concentrated to protect them from the possibility of sabotage, were transformed into heaps of useless wreckage. The attack on the airfields had barely started before the first bombs and torpedoes were loosed against the sitting targets of battleship row. Within minutes most of the battleships at the Ford Island moorings had been hit by one or more torpedoes and bombs. Even if the Japanese had withdrawn within an hour after the commencement of their attack, the damage inflicted would still have been awful.
The Americans took a licking, but not without one hell of a fight. Boatswains sounded “Call to Arms,” and “General Quarters;” Navy crewmembers responded immediately, reporting to their battle stations. Fire control parties immediately began to fight the fires, gun crews began to return fire with everything available to them, in some cases, even as the ships sunk to the bottom of the harbor. Some men died even before they realized that their ship was under attack.
Ashore, the Americans responded just as quickly as their sea-based counterparts, but had far less weaponry to defend themselves. There were no pre-staged anti-aircraft gun emplacements, no ready ammunition, and rifle fire, in most instances, was ineffective against flying aircraft. Trucks rushed to armories and munitions depots, and machine guns were set up spontaneously.
Every Marine airplane was knocked out of action in the first attack upon the Marine Corps Air Station, Ewa. Two Japanese squadrons swept in from the northwest at one-thousand feet, raking aircraft parked near runways. Pilots and aircrew dashed to their planes, but the Japanese returned again and again to complete their mission of destroying all aircraft.
Marines of Marine Aircraft Group (MAG) —21 quickly recovered from their initial surprise and fought back with what few rifles and automatic weapons they had. Weapons were stripped from damaged planes and set up with improvised mounts. MAG-21’s commander was Lieutenant Colonel Claude Larkin; he was wounded in the first Japanese pass, but continued to coordinate the efforts of his men to meet the enemy head-on.
At Pearl Harbor, Japanese bombers dropped fragmentation bombs on Marine positions. They were replaced by fighters seeking to suppress American fires and prevent any counter-attack. Marine machineguns accounted for one enemy plane. Three Marine airmen were killed during the attacks, a fourth died of wounds. Thirty-three of 47 Marine aircraft were destroyed; all but two suffered major damage.
Ford Island’s seaplane ramps and runways literally became a shamble of wrecked and burning aircraft. Marines of the air station’s guard detachment used their rifles and machine guns to beat off further enemy thrusts, but the dive bombers had done their job well and there was no need for subsequent sorties. The focus of all subsequent attacks became the larger ships in the harbor.
The air raid drew instinctive reactions from the few Marines in the navy yard who saw the first enemy planes diving on the ships. While the guard bugler mustered a majority of the men at the barracks and detachments of the 1st and 3d Defense Battalions, the early risers were already running for the armories and gun sheds. Within six minutes of the attack, Colonel Harry K. Pickett ordered his defense battalions to man machine-guns; eight of the guns had already been set up —and as more machine guns were hastily added to the defensive effort, men were sent to obtain the ammunition needed to operate them. Rifle cartridges were distributed to hundreds of men assembled at the parade ground. Colonel Pickett ordered the employment of 3-inch antiaircraft guns, dispatched trucks and working parties of the 2d Engineer Battalion to Lualualei, some 27 miles up in the hills, in order to obtain necessary munitions. Colonel Pickett also directed Marine engineers to clear the runways at Hickam Airfield.
Twenty-five minutes after the initial attack, the Marines had thirteen machine guns in action and were able to claim their first enemy dive bomber. In the next hour, twenty-five more machine guns were added to the mix. Two more enemy planes fell victim to the 30 and 50-caliber weapons. Colonel Pickett molded all Marine Corps personnel at the Navy Yard into a defense force, including an infantry reserve force, transport and supply sections.
In the course of the Japanese attack on battleship row and ships dry dock, 9 Marines at the Barracks were wounded; these and other casualties received treatment at dressing stations organized by Colonel Pickett, which included wounded Marines from ship’s detachments. One-hundred eight sea-going Marines lost their lives during the attack, 49 more were wounded in action.
In total, Navy and Marine Corps forces lost 2,086 officers and men killed in action. Army losses were 194 killed in action. Of all the services, 1,109 officers and men survived their wounds. Mr. Kennedy was right: a nation reveals itself not only by the men it produces, but also by the men it honors, the men it remembers.
 Anyone believing otherwise would have to admit that Mr. Roosevelt, his entire cabinet, and the leadership of both houses of Congress were all unaware of Japan’s history dating back to the late 1890s. Sneak attack is what the Japanese were known for in their every military effort. Who in their right mind could have discounted another “surprise” attack after 1940?
 Major General Harry K Pickett, USMC was born in South Carolina; he graduated from the Citadel in 1911, accepted a Marine Corps commission in 1913, and had the distinction of war time service on the first day of two world wars. In 1939, he was charged to survey the defenses of the Pacific Islands (Midway, Wake, Johnston, and Palmyra); he recommended enhancement of the defensive posture of these islands, which was undertaken before the Japanese attack at Pearl Harbor. On 7 December 1941, Pickett was assigned as the Commanding Officer, Marine Barracks, Hawaii. He also served collateral duties as Commander, Marine Forces, 14th Naval District, and Assistant Operations Officer under Admiral Kimmel. General Pickett passed away aboard RMS Caronia in India in 1959.
 Japanese loses were considerably lighter. Enemy carriers recovered all but 29 aircraft. The Japanese lost five midget submarines and no more than 100 men killed in action.
I cannot say that Thanksgiving is a uniquely American experience; I have read stories of Spanish conquistadors offering thanks in the Americas as early as the mid-1500s, but maybe “ownership” isn’t really the issue at all. Our first official recognition of Thanksgiving was issued by proclamation by the Second Continental Congress in 1777 at a time when the future of the American colonies was still very much in doubt. Philadelphia, then our national capital, was then occupied by British forces. In spite of this, Americans offered prayers of thanks to God for all His blessings —they prayed also for success in battle. The war didn’t progress very well for the Americans over the first few years; offering thanks disappeared until reintroduced by James Madison during our second war in 1814. Then we prayed for the protection of our new union —and for the wisdom to maintain it.
Thanksgiving became official and permanent during the presidency of Abraham Lincoln, who in 1863 issued his own proclamation. It was written in the context of our great civil upheaval; we prayed for reunification of a badly torn nation.
Nationally, thanksgiving celebrations have changed over generations, but it may also be fair to say that thanksgiving changes over the course of our lives. The Thanksgiving holiday we experienced as children, sitting around tables laden with more food than we could possibly eat, is not the same as when we were sitting at similar tables as mid-life adults.
This is especially true among those who experienced thanksgiving away from home while engaged in combat. After such experiences as these, pick any war, the holiday is never again quite the same. Among our Marines and soldiers, the sweltering jungles of the South and Central Pacific while facing the fanatical Japanese stood in stark contrast with the bitter cold of the Korean peninsula. In the latter case, some of our troops were provided with a hot, freshly roasted turkey with all the trimmings, but that was just moments before the 13 Chinese infantry divisions launched a massive assault against forward elements of the US 4th Infantry Division and 1st Marine Division at the Chosin Reservoir and along the entire front of the Eighth US Army in the west. It involved some of the fiercest fighting of the entire Korean War —it was a Thanksgiving Day that thousands of men would not survive; that thousands more would never forget.
Only a few years later, our troops returned to jungle warfare —this time in Vietnam, where once more the Thanksgiving holiday became just another day “in the suck.” In these circumstances, the memories of earlier festivities, of happier times, are best locked away, along with feelings of loneliness. The North Vietnamese guards never hesitated to use isolation to enhance despair among our troops who had become prisoners of war.
The engagement in hostile conflict has become more or less constant for the United States, although I suspect that this is more reflects the incompetence of our politicians than it is upon who we are as a people —yet, we continue to send our troops in harm’s way, and every Thanksgiving Day for far too many years, our young men and women become separated from their families and spend the day in lonely isolation from those who mean the most to them. At home, families pray for the safe return of their children, husbands, wives, brothers and sisters.
Perhaps it is time to stop sending our troops into hostile areas when there is no clear national interest in doing so …
They say old folks do strange things. At least, I think that is what young people say about us when they talk about us at all —which isn’t all that often. I think this is because we old folks are a bother. I think this must explain why younger people want to place us in nursing homes.
In any case, this story unfolded every Friday evening, almost without fail, when the sun resembled a giant orange and was starting to dip into the wide blue ocean.
Old Ed would come strolling along the beach to his favorite pier. Clutched in his bony hand was a bucket of shrimp. Ed walked out to the end of the pier, where it seemed he almost had the world to himself. The glow of the sun was a golden bronze; except for a few joggers on the beach, everyone had gone. Standing at the end of the pier, Ed stood alone with his thoughts —and his bucket of shrimp.
It was not long before Ed was no longer alone. Up in the sky a thousand white dots came screeching and squawking, winging their way toward that lanky frame standing there on the end of the pier. Dozens of seagulls enveloped him, their wings fluttering and flapping wildly. Ed stood calmly tossing shrimp to the hungry birds. As he fed the birds, if you listened closely, you could hear him say, “Thank you. Thank you.”
The bucket was empty in a few short minutes, but Ed did not immediately leave; he stood there lost in thought, as if transported to another time and place.
When Ed finally turned around for his walk back to the beach, a few of the birds would hop along behind him. Old Ed then quietly made his way down to the end of the beach and onward home.
If you were sitting there on the pier with your fishing line in the water, Ed might seem like ‘a funny old duck, or to onlookers, just another old codger lost in his own weird world. Imagine, feeding the seagulls with a bucket full of shrimp.
To casual observers, rituals such as this can look very strange. They can seem altogether unimportant —perhaps even nonsensical. Most people would probably write Old Ed off, down there in Florida —and that would be too bad. They would have done well to know him better.
His full name was Edward Vernon Rickenbacker. In World War I, he won the Medal of Honor, eight distinguished service crosses, the French Legion of Honour, and three awards of the Croix de Guerre. He was America’s first fighter ace, with 26 victories. After the war, he started an automobile company. He purchased and operated the Indianapolis Motor Speedway. In the 1930s, he clashed with Franklin D. Roosevelt —he thought Roosevelt was a socialist, and bad for America. It turns out he was right about that. Oh, and he also founded Eastern Airlines.
During World War II, Rickenbacker supported the war effort as a civilian. In 1942, he toured training bases and offered suggestions about training, air operations, and equipment. In October 1942, President Roosevelt sent him on a mission across the Pacific. After leaving Honolulu in a B-17D Flying Fortress, the aircraft drifted off course and had to ditch into the sea. Miraculously, although suffering injuries, all of the men survived the initial crash. They crawled out of the plane, and climbed into a life raft.
Rickenbacker and the crew floated for days on the rough waters of the Pacific. They fought the sun. They fought sharks. Most of all, they fought hunger and thirst. After three days, they ran out of food and water. They were hundreds of miles from land, and no one knew where they went down, or even if they were still alive. The men needed a miracle.
On the eighth day at sea, the men held a simple devotional service and prayed for that miracle. They tried to nap in order to conserve energy. Eddie leaned back and pulled his military cap over his nose to snooze. All he could hear was the slap of the waves against the raft.
Suddenly, Eddie felt something land on the top of his cap. It was a seagull!
Old Ed would later describe how he sat perfectly still, planning his next move. With a flash of his hand and a squawk from the gull, he managed to grab it and wring its neck. He tore the feathers off, and he and his starving crew made a meal of it —actually, a small meal for eight men. Then they used the bird’s intestines for bait. With it, they caught fish, which gave them food and more bait . . . and the cycle continued. With that simple survival technique, they were able to endure the severities of the sea until found and rescued off the island of Tuvalu after 24 days at sea.
Eddie Rickenbacker lived many years beyond that ordeal, but he never forgot the sacrifice of that first life-saving seagull. He never stopped saying, “Thank you” for that miracle. That is why almost every Friday night he would walk to the end of the pier with a bucket full of shrimp and a heart full of gratitude.
Odd old duck? I don’t think so …
Today is Veterans Day —an annual observance intended to honor military veterans. It includes all persons who served in the Armed Forces of the United States.
Originally, the observance was titled Armistice Day (also called by some Remembrance Day). It marked the end of World War I, which ended at the eleventh hour, on the eleventh day, of the eleventh month in 1918.
Today, other allied nations continue to observe this momentous occasion —in the UK, everyone stops for a two-minute period of silence at the eleventh hour. They do this out of respect, and to reflect on the sacrifices made during the war. These sacrifices, by the way, were not only made by brave young men. They were also made by mothers and fathers, wives and sweethearts, and by the children left with only one remaining parent.
We don’t see that kind of reflection here in America, and herein lies my issue, because I think our failure to remember the sacrifices of our troops and their allied brothers is a travesty of the first order. Armistice Day was renamed Veterans Day in 1954. Combat service during the very bloody First World War is not equivalent of serving in uniform during periods of tranquility. I think we owe it to the memory of these fallen to make the distinction between serving in combat, and service in war time.
I would urge our government to return 11 November to a day that remembers and honors World War I Veterans; let’s find another day to acknowledge the service of honorably discharged or retired Americans who served their country, voluntarily or not, at a later time.
As for the sacrifices of World War I …
Hat tip for visual: My good friend Pablo.